Showing posts with label closures. Show all posts
Showing posts with label closures. Show all posts

June 13, 2017

Mitchell Caverns’ long-awaited reopening postponed

Mitchell Caverns’ reopening has been delayed until October in the eastern Mojave Desert’s Providence Mountains. State park officials had hoped to reopen the remote Providence Mountains State Recreation Area, home to the caverns, in May or June. (COURTESY OF CALIFORNIA STATE PARKS)

By Suzanne Hurt
The Press-Enterprise


Mitchell Caverns’ reopening has been delayed until October due to an ailing septic tank and trail work that’s on hold until summer’s over in the eastern Mojave Desert’s Providence Mountains.

State park officials had hoped to reopen the remote Providence Mountains State Recreation Area, home to the caverns, in May or June.

Spring and fall are high season for the park east of Barstow, which has been closed since January 2011, mainly over water issues.

Now the septic tank serving the visitor center and staff housing, which is getting plugged up due to broken ballasts, must be replaced. An environmental review must be completed and more funding won’t come until the new fiscal year starts July 1, said Russ Dingman, acting superintendent of the state parks’ Tehachapi District.

After temperatures get cooler in September, trail crews will return to reinforce the main trail to the caves and align it with natural topography for better water and erosion control. The cost of the work isn’t known yet.

The caverns are one of two public “show caves” in Southern California and the state park system’s only limestone caves.

November 7, 2014

Section of National Trails Highway to reopen

Public Works equipment repairing a section of National Trails Highway between Newberry Springs and Ludlow to repair road damage caused by flash flooding. (@CountyWire)

@CountyWire
County of San Bernardino


Public Works is planning on reopening the section of National Trails Highway from Hector Road to Crucero Road, in the Newberry Springs/Ludlow area, by Friday, November 7.

Severe thunderstorms blasted the Mojave Desert September 7 and 8 triggering flash floods throughout the desert regions. Closure of I-95, I-40, National Trails Highway (Route 66), Needles Highway, and various other desert roads occurred due to washouts and bridge damage.

The most extensive damage was along National Trails Highway where approximately 40 bridges were damaged along with major portions of the roadway. Sections between Hector Road to Crucero Road (Newberry Springs/Ludlow, area), Crucero Road to Amboy Road, and Cadiz Road to Mountain Springs Road at I-40 have been closed pending roadway repairs, shoulder repairs and bridge evaluations.

Public Works crews have been working diligently to make these repairs. This is the first stretch of the road to be reopened since the storms occurred.

It is anticipated the section of roadway between Crucero Road and Amboy Road will be open by the end of December 2014 and the section between Cadiz Road and Mountain Springs Road at I-40 by the end of January 2015. All of these time frames could vary depending on the weather.

October 30, 2014

Desert act turns 20, what it saved

Hikers climbing up to Keane Wonder mine in Death Valley National Park. (Rita Beamish)

By Deborah Sullivan Brennan
San Diego Union-Tribune


Twenty years ago today, the California Desert Protection Act designated 7.6 million acres of the state’s backcountry as wilderness.

Portions of that land had been mined, grazed and used illegally for off-roading.

For desert lovers such as Nick Ervin of San Diego, California’s deserts represented a wide-open expanse of solitude and stillness, just hours from the state’s biggest cities. After surveying what he saw as damage to them from human activities, he found a chance for restoration.

Nick Ervin, activist.
Ervin joined fellow Sierra Club activists to spearhead San Diego County support for the Desert Protection Act, first introduced by Sen. Alan Cranston and then shepherded through Congress by Sen. Dianne Feinstein.

The legislation established the 1.6 million-acre Mojave National Preserve and designated Death Valley and Joshua Tree as national parks. It also set aside as wilderness smaller tracts in San Diego and Imperial counties, including the Fish Creek, Coyote and Sawtooth mountains near Anza-Borrego Desert State Park.

The bill faced opposition from people who feared it would engulf private land, ban visitors from wilderness areas and forbid popular activities such as hunting and off-roading. The debate escalated into scuffles at times, Ervin remembered.

In the end, the law didn’t secure the pure, unaltered wilderness that some proponents sought. Certain mining and grazing operations were grandfathered in, and hunting continues in the Mojave National Preserve.

Motor vehicles aren’t allowed in wilderness zones. But adjoining land and some roads that traverse the protected acreage are still open to traffic that includes off-road vehicles, said Paul Turcke, an attorney who has represented off-road enthusiasts nationwide. Litigation over the desert access remains to this day, he said.

The legislation became law on Oct. 31, 1994, when then-President Bill Clinton gave it his signature. For the 20th anniversary milestone, Ervin, a retired psychotherapist who now teaches at National University, talked with U-T San Diego about his efforts to preserve the state’s open spaces. Here is an edited version of that discussion:

Question: How did you get involved in the campaign to pass the California Desert Protection Act?

Answer: I was active in the local chapter of the Sierra Club in the late ’70s early ’80s. ... Some big conservation activists in Los Angeles gathered information and then approached Sen. Alan Cranston about sponsoring a bill in Congress to rectify the big problems with how the desert was being run over by off-road vehicles, reckless mining, reckless grazing and uncontrolled urban development around desert cities. They said we need organizers in San Diego and Imperial counties.

Question: What was your particular role?

Answer: I and two other organizers ... followed the bill from 1988 to 1994. We wrote articles, we did letter-writing campaigns. I did old-fashioned slide shows — it wasn’t PowerPoint in those days. I did garden clubs, classroom presentations. We wrote op-eds.

Question: What were the challenges to securing support for desert protection?

Answer: There was a belief that it’s an empty waste, where there’s not much life. Or it’s a fearful place with rattlesnakes and scorpions. It’s a harder sell to the general public than forests or lakes.

Question: Why did you believe the cause was important?

Answer: I had been hiking in the desert for years and years, and had seen how outside of Anza-Borrego Desert State Park, there were lots and lots of off-road activities. ... Desert foliage is very slow to heal and very fragile. You can do hundreds of years’ worth of damage in an afternoon with an off-road vehicle that is poorly used.

Question: What does the act mean for San Diegans?

Answer: It means that a lot of the desert lands around Anza-Borrego park have the highest official protection status that you can give any land in perpetuity. It would require an act of Congress to reverse the Desert Protection Act.

Question: What were your responses to critics who said the law imposes restrictions on too much land?

Answer: There were meetings in the late ’80s that were big-time contentions. There was actually some pushing and shoving going on. ... I personally got hate mail. They were typically centered around one accusation that we were locking up desert land against the average citizen. ... The old stereotype was we were watermelons — green on the outside and red on the inside. People said it was a communist plot, socialism in action in the California desert.

Question: What were the eventual accommodations for existing uses such as wildlife management, hunting and grazing?

Answer: One of the big concessions was the Mojave National Preserve (instead of it becoming a national park). There were several concessions that hunting would permanently allowed. ... Back then, there were people doing grazing on federal lands under a lease, who were really afraid of losing their grazing rights. Dianne Feinstein said we will never force you to sell (grazing rights). That was a pretty big concession. There’s always been a big debate about guzzlers (artificial water sources built to aid wildlife). The Desert Protection Act doesn’t really address what guzzlers should be allowed and where. And that debate goes on.

Question: What do you think about the status of the California desert today and the role of energy developments such as solar and wind farms?

Answer: As preservationists we’ve been torn, because as preservationists we support renewable energy. But some of us on the desert land (issue) object to some of these developments because the government is sometimes allowing them on lands that are not already burned out agricultural lands, or toxic waste sites and brownfields. They’ve allowed some of these developments on pristine, high-quality desert habitat and not next to existing power lines. ... We’re also arguing for more rooftop development in cities, where the energy is used. Renewable energy and where it’s to be sited is the argument for decades ahead.

October 16, 2014

ROUTE 66: After the rains, a humbled highway

Travelers are being turned away from fabled Route 66 and large sections of the historic highway have been closed since mid-September after heavy desert thunderstorms washed out bridges and undermined sections of pavement.

Route 66 heading west out of Ludlow is closed to traffic, one of several sections of the historic highway that are shut off to travelers. (Mark Muckenfuss)

By Mark Muckenfuss
The Press-Enterprise


Just try getting your kicks on Route 66 these days. It’s not easy.

Large sections of the historic highway have been closed since mid-September after heavy desert thunderstorms washed out bridges and undermined sections of pavement. In some spots there are holes large enough to swallow one of the motorcycles belonging to tourist groups that regularly retrace the Western route.

Those travelers and others now have to detour off of Route 66 between Newberry Springs and Needles, taking I-40 instead. San Bernardino County officials estimate it will take $1.4 million to fix the damage. They hope to reopen the road by late November.

For Route 66 enthusiasts, the detour is a disappointment. For those who live on the highway that brought generations of migrants west to California, the closure is more painful.

“We’re basically closed,” said Jim Wilson, 62, owner of Bolo Station Bar & Grill & RV Park, in Cadiz.
Barriers at the Kelbaker Road/Route 66 intersection 6 miles west of Wilson’s place tell eastbound motorists the road is closed to through traffic. Not many venture through to his place. The handful that do have had to turn around.

“You can get down to my place here,” Wilson said, “but right after you go over the bridge past my property (the road) is closed.”

Beyond that, there are bridges that have washed out.

“They’re bad,” he said.

Brendon Biggs is deputy director of operations for the San Bernardino County Department of Public Works. He’s overseeing a workforce of 20 to 30 people making repairs to Route 66.

“Right now it’s high on the priority list,” Biggs said. “We want to get the road open.”

The flooding that hit the region was almost unprecedented, he said.

“We had multiple locations of severe damage,” he said. “We had approximately 40 bridges damaged in some way along with the road surface itself.”

Residents in such tiny towns as Essex and Chambliss can get in and out, but everyone else has to go around.

“It definitely affects tourism,” Biggs said. “National Trails Highway (the original name for Route 66) is a big road. The most scenic areas, they’re not able to enjoy that right now. There are big holes in the road.”

ROUTE 66 DAMAGE
Where the route is closed:

• Along I-40, from the Hector Road exit to Ludlow

• East of Ludlow to Amboy

• From Kelbaker Road east to I-40

Where it's open:

• Between Amboy and Kelbaker Road

Opened: Nov. 11, 1926, though the famed "Rte 66" signs didn't go up until 1927.

Nicknames: The Mother Road, America's Main Street

Household name: Popularizing the road in the 1960s were a hit TV show starring Martin Milner and George Maharis, which ran 1960-1964 on CBS, and a top-selling pop song, "(Get Your Kicks on) Route 66," later recorded by scores of artists.

No longer super: Route 66 was removed from the U.S. highway system in 1985 because it had been replaced nationwide by a network of bigger, newer Interstate highways.

But always beloved: The road is still popular among pop-culture enthusiasts, historians, classic car collectors and tourists, particularly visitors from Europe.

October 10, 2014

Federal Court: One Million Acres Near Grand Canyon Protected From Mining

The Grand Canyon (Shutterstock)
by Ari Phillips
Climate Progress


In early October, an Arizona federal judge upheld the Obama Administration’s 2012 withdrawal of over one million acres of federal lands surrounding Grand Canyon National Park from uranium mining. Originally imposed by then-Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar, the mining industry challenged the ban arguing that the 700-page Environmental Impact Statement was inadequate, failed to address “scientific controversies”, and was unconstitutional.

With the court’s decision to uphold the Department of Interior’s (DIO) decision, the lands around the Grand Canyon will be closed to the exploration and development of uranium mining claims for 20 years, thus protecting the Colorado River watershed and several sacred Native American sites. According to the government’s study, removing the ban would mean that 26 new uranium mines and 700 uranium exploration projects could be developed.

According Roger Clark, air quality and clean energy director at the Grand Canyon Trust, the ruling affirms conclusions by five federal agencies, including scientists from the U.S. Geological Survey — that uranium mining poses unacceptable risks to Grand Canyon’s water, wildlife, and people.

“Uranium mines threaten hundreds of the Grand Canyon seeps and springs that provide precious water to thousands of desert-dwelling species,” wrote Clark. “Every new mine sacrifices cultural sites and fragments wildlife habitat, polluting the park with dirt roads, dust, heavy machinery, noise, off-road drilling rigs, power lines, and relentless truck traffic.”

Due to the sheer size and remoteness of the landscape, the EIS authors adopted a “cautious and careful approach” to assessing the potential impacts of uranium mining. They ultimately found that “the risk of groundwater contamination from uranium mining was low, but that the possible consequences of such contamination were severe.”

Arizona federal district court judge David G. Campbell found this approach warranted, writing that “the Court can find no legal principle that prevents the DIO from acting in the face of uncertainty,” and that the Secretary of the Interior had the authority to “err on the side of caution in protecting a national treasure — Grand Canyon national park.”

When President Theodore Roosevelt created the Grand Canyon Preserve in 1906 he didn’t allow mining on much of the land, but mines were opened on land surrounding the canyon. Often on Native American lands, including the Havasupai and Navajo, these mines have become dangerous radioactive sites. There are over 500 abandoned uranium mines on Navajo territory and the federal government is still working with the Navajo to determine the best way to address the issue. According to the EPA, potential health effects include lung cancer from inhalation of radioactive particles, as well as bone cancer and impaired kidney function from exposure to radionuclides in drinking water.

“In sum, this decision supports a precautionary approach to mineral withdrawals,” wrote Hillary M. Hoffmann, an environmental law professor at Vermont Law School. “It affirms the agency’s choice, ‘when faced with uncertainty due to a lack of definitive information, and a low risk of significant environmental harm,’ to temporarily withdraw land from mineral entry before conducting a National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) review.”

Hoffman writes that while this may run counter to general policy underlying NEPA, in this instance the Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) actions prevented the development of thousands of uranium claims until the agency could fully study the impacts of those claims and determine whether to make a full withdrawal.

“As the district court noted, if the BLM waited to act until after the NEPA review process was complete, the claims may have become vested and at that point, it would have been too late to protect the Colorado River watershed and the Havasupai sacred sites,” she writes.

When Salazar first banned this block of 633,547 acres of public lands and 360,002 acres of National Forest land from mining in 2012, a number of politicians objected, including U.S. Senators Orrin Hatch (R-UT), John McCain (R-AZ), John Barrasso (R-WY), and Mike Lee (R-UT). Sen. Hatch said mining the land “poses no environmental threat” and that the announcement was another sign that the Obama Administration “is one of the most anti-American energy presidencies in history.”

Fast-forward two years later and there are currently 13 candidates up for election in November who want to sell or seize public lands for drilling, mining, or logging and seven senators not up for reelection, including four Arizonans: Sen. McCain, Sen. Jeff Flake, U.S. Rep. Trent Franks, and State Rep. Andy Tobin.

The uranium mining companies have 60 days to appeal Judge Campbell’s decision to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals and are likely to do so, according to the Center For Biological Diversity.

September 30, 2014

Judges seem skeptical of U.S. in high-stakes Utah road dispute

 PUBLIC LANDS

Kane County, Utah, R.S.2477 road claims.
Phil Taylor
E&E / Greenwire


DENVER -- A federal appeals court yesterday appeared skeptical of the federal government's claims that a lower court had wrongly awarded a Utah county and the state rights of way over desert roads in a case with possible ramifications for Utah's larger bid to assert control over federal lands.

But the three-judge panel of the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals offered few hints as to whether it would uphold a district court's decision in March 2013 to award southern Utah's Kane County rights of way over 12 of 15 roads it had claimed, four of which run through the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument (Greenwire, March 25, 2013).

It's a high-stakes case for Utah, whose counties have staked claims over some 12,000 roads spanning about 36,000 miles over federal lands under a Civil War-era mining law, as well as conservation groups, which note that many of those routes crisscross sensitive wilderness study areas, national parks or other public lands they've proposed remain roadless.

The 10th Circuit's ruling on the Kane case could offer legal precedent for how Utah, counties, the federal government and conservation groups negotiate resolution on thousands of other roads.

Yesterday's proceeding featured oral arguments by Department of Justice attorney David Shilton and Kane County attorney Shawn Welch.

At issue are Kane's claims to 15 roads crossing some 89 miles of federal lands under an obscure 1866 law known as R.S. 2477 that allowed miners and homesteaders to build trails or roads over any public lands not yet reserved or claimed for private use. Utah and its counties can gain title to R.S. 2477 roads if they can prove they were in continuous use for at least 10 years prior to the law's repeal in 1976.

Utah argues the law is a critical bulwark against federal decisions to block access to public lands, but conservation groups see it as one of the greatest threats to preserving wilderness-quality lands in Utah's red rock country.

U.S. District Judge Clark Waddoups last year said Kane successfully proved its case for 12 of the roads. While some are noncontroversial, the North Swag route, which Kane won, cuts through the Paria-Hackberry wilderness study area, which BLM recognized for its roadless characteristics and which environmentalists have eyed for future wilderness designation.

Both Kane County and the United States appealed the decision to the 10th Circuit, but for different reasons.

Kane and Utah argued that Waddoups was wrong to require them to prove the validity of R.S. 2477 claims by "clear and convincing evidence," rather than a lower burden of proof, and had incorrectly ruled that a public water reserve issued by President Coolidge in 1926 precluded R.S. 2477 claims.

DOJ's Shilton argued that the district court had no jurisdiction to decide R.S. 2477 claims for the Sand Dunes, Hancock and Cave Lakes roads because they had never been closed to use and therefore created no "dispute" for the court. It also claimed Waddoups had awarded rights of way widths for North Swag, Swallow Park/Park Wash and Skutumpah roads based on current, rather than 1976, uses.

The judges pressed Shilton to explain the government's first argument over jurisdiction. While the roads remained open, legal title was still in dispute.

Shilton argued the Bureau of Land Management, which oversees the tracts, has to take "some affirmative action" to trigger the court's involvement. "The United States has never closed access to those roads," he said. "You need a real dispute."

But Judge Gregory Phillips, an appointee of President Obama, said that line of reasoning could allow "decades and decades and decades" to pass without a resolution of Kane's claims. He said the government stands to benefit from delays because it makes it harder for Utah to prove R.S. 2477 claims.

In addition, Judge Robert Bacharach, another Obama appointee, pressed Shilton to defend the government's claim that Waddoups had wrongly awarded right of way widths for uses that didn't exist in 1976, such as for heavier agriculture vehicles. Bacharach spoke to a need to maintain the "current day's standard of safety."

The third judge, Paul Kelly, was appointed by President George H.W. Bush.

Panel skips enviro arguments

Notably, the panel didn't discuss arguments raised by environmental litigants in the case including the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance, Wilderness Society, Sierra Club, Grand Canyon Trust and National Parks Conservation Association.

Those groups argued in friend-of-the-court briefs that Waddoups had failed to consider that a 12-year statute of limitations had expired for the North Swag route, making the county's claim for that route invalid.

They also argued that historical use of alleged R.S. 2477 roads by adjoining landowners, ranchers and others who enjoyed privileged access should not have counted in the Kane County case, nor in any of Utah's other road claims winding their way through the courts.

"It's disappointing," said SUWA attorney Steve Bloch. "There were significant issues that could have steered this hearing in a different direction."

Bloch noted that the 10th Circuit in April had concluded in a separate R.S. 2477 case involving the Salt Creek road through Canyonlands National Park that "proprietary use" of a road doesn't count for determining a valid right of way.

"This is one of the key take-aways from the Salt Creek decision," Bloch said. "This alone could be a basis to send this entire case back to Judge Waddoups."

Conservationists had hoped that finding would come into play in the Kane case yesterday, but it didn't.

Shilton did not raise this point before the court and declined to be interviewed after the arguments.

Welch said the merits of the Salt Creek case should not apply in the Kane case. Unlike Salt Creek, the Kane roads connect other roads and their use was less in dispute, he said.

In the Salt Creek case, the court also had ruled that frequency or intensity of use, not just whether it was used for 10 consecutive years, is important in determining whether a road qualifies as a "public thoroughfare" under R.S. 2477. For example, use by a single cattleman for driving cattle is insufficient, as is intermittent or occasional use by hunters, fishermen, shepherds, farmers and miners, the court said.

This issue also did not come up yesterday.

August 28, 2014

Dozens of desert tortoise sterilized


By Caroline Bleakley
KLAS-TV Las Vegas


LAS VEGAS -- It might seem odd the desert tortoise, an endangered species, needs population control, but that's what wildlife experts are recommending.

A two-day clinic to teach veterinarians how to sterilize tortoises ended Thursday.

Wildlife experts say so many people have had desert tortoises as pets, the population has gotten of out control. The belief is if they work to reduce the amount of captive desert tortoises, it will help the endangered ones in the wild.

"What's happened is we have an unusual situation where we have too many in a captive situation and people have numerous tortoises and they breed. These desert tortoises won't be able to breed anymore after these surgeries," said Mike Senn, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.

Veterinarians like Mary Lee are learning how to sterilize tortoises at two-day clinic.

"I'd say it's pretty urgent," Dr. Lee said.

She frequently sees desert tortoises at her Las Vegas clinic because so many are kept as pets. The problem is they breed easily in backyards. It's difficult to tell whether they're male or female until they're at least 10 years old, and they can live as long as 100 years.

"We have a large number of tortoises from one individual. It started with three tortoises about 20 years ago and when we checked two weeks ago, he had 54," Senn said.

Because of budget cuts, the Desert Tortoise Conservation Center is closing at the end of the year. That means when tortoises aren't wanted as pets anymore, there's no place for them to go.

Senn says says about 70 tortoises are being sterilized at the clinic, but homes have only been found for half of them and they can't be released into the wild because they may spread disease to other tortoises listed as endangered since 1989.

The clinic is aimed at ultimately reducing the number of captive tortoises.

"When we have to manage the captive populations, like when we had them going to the center, it was a very, very high cost," Senn said.

The two-day sterilization clinic cost about $35,000. The funding came from Clark County. It's money raised through fees paid by developers when they build on desert land.

August 19, 2014

Westerners fear monumental land grab by Obama administration


By Kelly David Burke
FoxNews.com


Utah officials are scrambling to prevent the Obama administration from locking down thousands of acres of land in their backyard, as federal officials consider up to a dozen possible national monument designations – all in western states.

The Antiquities Act gives U.S. presidents the authority to unilaterally declare public lands as national monuments at the stroke of a pen, with no input from the public unless they choose to seek it.

Many national monuments eventually go on to become national parks.

National Parks Conservation Association spokeswoman Kristen Brengel said the practice has been used for over a century to preserve some of America’s most iconic landmarks: including the Grand Canyon, the Statue of Liberty and Arches National Park.

“It's a wonderful tool to conserve these resources so that people can enjoy them in perpetuity,” she said.

But critics feel the Antiquities Act has been misused in recent decades by presidents of both parties and, in Utah, they’re seeking a compromise that would allow some land to become designated as “wilderness” instead.

"The original Antiquities Act passed as a way of conserving land," Republican Utah Rep. Rob Bishop said. "It's no longer used that way. Now it's used as a political purpose to make a political statement on land that is not endangered in any way."

The issue is particularly sensitive in the American West, where the vast majority of federally owned and controlled land lies.

"In the West, almost half of the land, versus 4 percent in the East, is owned by the federal government," Bishop said. "So in my state of Utah, 70 percent is owned and controlled by the federal government. So we in the West clearly see this differently, because we face it and live with it every day."

A draft Interior Department memo in 2010 suggested 12 sites for possible national monument designation by President Obama. The land already is mostly in federal hands, but a monument designation would more tightly restrict access.

All of the sites are in the West, including Organ Mountains-Desert Peaks in New Mexico, which President Obama declared a new national monument in May.

Four of the other 11 sites in the Interior memo are in the state of Utah. Recently, 14 U.S. senators wrote to Obama urging him to declare a Greater Canyonlands monument in Utah. None of the senators live in the Intermountain West, much less the state of Utah, where anger over a previous national monument designation is still palpable.

Utah Gov. Gary Herbert recalled how then-President Clinton designated the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument in southern Utah, by far the nation's largest, covering an area the size of Delaware and Rhode Island combined.

"President Clinton in 1996 -- denying that he was going to do it without any input from our congressional delegation or local government or state government -- just one day announced this designation,” Herbert said.

Bishop said “there were so many problems with it that were never solved when it was created.”

"They were never solved because it was a simplistic overreach and you didn't go into the details,” he said.

Emery County Commissioner Ethan Migliori said the monument is still a “bitter conversation in Utah.”

The problem, Migliori said, is the designation effectively “shut down everything” in that area.

“You can't access it anymore ... even on designated roads,” Migliori said.

Brengel said this president won't declare national monuments without warning. "One of the main things that the Obama administration has said is that they are looking for local input. Not just from local leaders but also from the public,” Brengel said.

Not willing to wait and see, Bishop has proposed a public lands initiative to work out a compromise. Instead of becoming national monuments, some land would become protected wilderness areas while allowing development on the rest.

Migliori and other officials in Emery County, where 92 percent of the land is owned by the federal government, support Bishop's efforts wholeheartedly. The proposed San Rafael National Monument would take up nearly 1,000 square miles, almost all of it in Emery County.

"It appears you have more access to a national park than you do to a national monument," Migliori said. "So a national monument is almost a death wish, or it feels like that to us."

Several environmental groups are also taking part in the discussions. "We are willing to work with any member of Congress on these proposals. We understand that their constituents have various interests. Ours in particular would be to protect some areas as wilderness or national parks,” Brengel said.

Herbert is also on board, saying: "The environmental community, industry, local civic and business leaders, farmers, ranchers, energy developers … All of the above come together and talk about what areas need to be developed and how, and what areas need to be preserved and protected because of their iconic vistas and venues."

Bishop said Interior Secretary Sally Jewell has spoken to him twice about his public lands initiative. "The secretary of Interior is encouraging us to move forward in doing it this way because it's a much more satisfactory process than ever it would be if you used the Antiquities Act,” he said.

May 13, 2014

Federal probe could leave Utah ATV protest riders facing charges

As a Kane County sheriff's deputy watches from a horse, ATV riders make their way into Recapture Canyon, north of Blanding, Utah, on Saturday, May 10, 2014, in a protest against what demonstrators call the federal government's overreaching control of public lands. (Trent Wilson/Salt Lake Tribune)

By Jennifer Dobner
Reuters


SALT LAKE CITY – Federal agents have launched a damage inspection of protected archeological sites in southern Utah where public-lands activists on all-terrain vehicles staged a weekend protest ride challenging the prolonged government closure of a canyon trail.

Undercover agents from the Bureau of Land Management monitored the Recapture Canyon rally and documented cases in which ATV riders broke the law by venturing into an area off-limits to motorized use, BLM spokeswoman Megan Crandall said on Tuesday.

"At the end of the BLM's investigation, all evidence will be referred to the U.S. Attorney's Office for potential civil or criminal action," she said.

About 300 protesters gathered on Saturday at a park adjacent to Recapture Canyon near Blanding, in the southeast corner of the state, calling for federal land managers to reopen the trail to recreational vehicles after seven years of government study and indecision.

The rally, coinciding with heightened political tensions over government control of public lands across the West, climaxed as dozens of protesters, some armed with guns, ventured on ATVs down a closed-off trail through Utah's red-rock desert.

Local sheriff's deputies on horseback kept watch over the protest, along with the undercover BLM agents.

San Juan County Commissioner Phil Lyman, who organized the protest ride, said on Tuesday he was aware that BLM personnel were present Saturday and is concerned about possible penalties for himself and others.

"I would have anticipated that they would take this course of action," said Lyman, who insisted he stopped his own ATV short of the closed area. He said a return visit to the area on Sunday revealed no visible signs of disturbance or damage.

The BLM closed the canyon trail to motorized use in 2007 after its agents said they found an illegally blazed trail and damage to Native American artifact sites.

San Juan County officials sought to establish a public right of way and proposed giving up another local land claim in hopes of gaining BLM approval, but the agency has yet to decide the issue.

Lyman said he now expects the event to be used to justify a continuation of the trail closure, which the agency initially said would be temporary.

"This was never an ATV agenda," Lyman said of the protest. "It had to do with the BLM not following its own process and ignoring the people most effected by its decisions."

The protest followed last month's armed standoff between supporters of renegade Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy and BLM agents who unsuccessfully sought to seize his cattle by force over his longstanding refusal to pay federal grazing fees.

May 10, 2014

Utah residents become next to confront Bureau of Land Management, in growing debate

May 10, 2014: ATV riders cross into a restricted area of Recapture Canyon, north of Blanding, Utah, in a protest against what demonstrators call the federal government's overreaching control of public lands. (REUTERS)

FoxNews.com

A band of Utah residents rode all-terrain vehicles onto federally managed public land Saturday to protest the Bureau of Land Management closing off the area.

The protest comes weeks after Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy’s successful standoff against the agency over grazing rights and appears to be the latest episode in the battle across the West over states’ rights on federally managed public lands.

In Blanding, Utah, in the state’s scenic southeastern, the protesters and their supporters say the agency has unfairly closed off a prized area, cheating them of outdoor recreation, according to The Los Angeles Times.

However, federal officials say the region, known for its archaeological ruins, has been jeopardized from overuse.

Bureau of Land Management Utah State Director Juan Palma, in a statement, said the riders may have damaged artifacts and dwellings that "tell the story of the first farmers in the Four Corners region" of Utah, Arizona, New Mexico and Colorado.

"The BLM was in Recapture Canyon today collecting evidence and will continue to investigate," Palma said. "The BLM will pursue all available redress through the legal system to hold the lawbreakers accountable."

Bureau of Land Management officers recorded and documented protesters who traveled into the closure area, he added.

San Juan County Sheriff Rick Eldredge said from 40 to 50 people, many of them waving American flags, drove about a mile down Recapture Canyon near Blanding and then turned around. Hundreds attended a rally at a nearby park before the protest

"It was peaceful, and there were no problems whatsoever," the sheriff told The Associated Press.

About 30 deputies and a handful of U.S. Bureau of Land Management law enforcement personnel watched as protesters drove past a closure sign and down the canyon located about 300 miles southeast of Salt Lake City.

The ride was organized by San Juan County Commissioner Phil Lyman to assert local control of the region, known as Recapture Canyon.

Recapture Canyon is home to dwellings, artifacts and burials left behind by Ancestral Puebloans as many as 2,000 years ago before they mysteriously vanished.

The canyon was closed to motor vehicles in 2007 after two men forged an illegal seven-mile trail. But hikers and those on horseback are still allowed there, according to the agency.

Governments in Western states are trying to get more control over vast tracts of federally owned land in large part because they say the land could be strategically developed to help boost local economies.

Supporters of the decades-old movement also say local governments are better suited to manage the land, considering in part the federal government is understaffed to manage the acreage.

Lyman and his supporters want the BLM to act more quickly on a years-old request for a public right-of-way through the area.

The Blanding protest being spearheaded by a local public official, not a resident, also appears to be a sign of the growing frustrations in a rural county composed of nearly 90 percent public lands managed by the BLM.

Environmental groups have spoken out in support of the BLM, saying that fragile Recapture Canyon must be protected.

Earlier this week, BLM officials notified Lyman that any illegal foray in the area would bring consequences such as citations and arrest.

Utah Gov. Gary Herbert also urged people to uphold the law.

Earlier this week, two men wearing hooded sweatshirts brandished a handgun at a BLM worker driving an agency vehicle, holding up a sign that read, “You need to die.”

Utah ranchers and county leaders recently threatened to break federal law and round up wild horses this summer if the agency doesn't do it first.

Motorized access to Recapture Canyon and other areas in Utah's wilderness has been a source of tension for decades. ATV riders rode another off-limits trail in 2009 in a protest. The Bureau of Land Management gave information about the riders to federal prosecutors, but no charges were filed.

Utah protesters prepare for new face-off with feds

In this 2010 photo, Bureau of Land Management staffer Tom Heinlein puts a "No vehicles" placard at the trail head of Recapture Canyon near Blanding, Utah. (Leah Hogsten / Salt Lake Tribune)

by John M. Glionna
Los Angeles Times


This eye-blink of a town in the state’s scenic southeastern corner bills itself as the “Gateway to Adventure.” But this weekend it promises to be more like a launchpad for civil unrest.

A band of angry citizens plans to ride all-terrain vehicles onto closed-off, federally managed public land Saturday in protest against the federal Bureau of Land Management, which many say has unfairly closed off a prized area, cheating residents of outdoor recreation.

The ride, organized by San Juan County Commissioner Phil Lyman, is a gambit to assert county sovereignty over Recapture Canyon, known for its archaeological ruins, that BLM officials say has been jeopardized from overuse. The canyon was closed to motor vehicles in 2007, the agency said, after two men forged an illegal seven-mile trail. Hikers and those on horseback are still allowed there.

Lyman and his supporters want the BLM to act more quickly on a years-old request for a public right-of-way through the area. “You can’t just arbitrarily shut down a road in San Juan County,” he said. “If you can do that and get away with it, what else can you do?”

The revolt has received national attention, coming at the heels of Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy’s successful standoff last month against the BLM that suggests a rising battle across the West over states’ rights on federally managed public lands. Tensions rose in Utah this week after two men pointed a gun at a BLM employee on a highway.

The Blanding protest is being spearheaded not by any citizen rancher like Bundy, but rather by an outspoken local public official — a sign of the growing frustrations in a rural county composed of nearly 90% public lands managed by the BLM. As a result, locals say, they have long been shut out of land-use decisions that that intimately affect their lives and economy.

Many say the Nevada incident and the Blanding protest are both reminiscent of the 1970s Sagebrush Rebellion, in which communities across the West decried what they called the overreaching power of the federal government.

In recent years, conservative lawmakers in several Western states have renewed the call for greater state and local control of federal lands — many describing the federal government as an occupying force.

Lyman says he has a right to represent his local constituency against outside agitators, including the federal government. And he enjoys widespread support here.

“I think more than 80% of the people in this town stand behind his cause,” said 33-year resident Jill Bayles, a retired nurse who said she misses driving her ATV in Recapture Canyon.

“I won’t be at the protest because my back hurts, but if it didn’t, I’d be out there on my ATV, leading the charge,” she said. “People here are just tired of the Park Service and BLM telling us what to do.”

Environmental groups have spoken out in support of the BLM, saying that fragile Recapture Canyon must be protected. In a statement issued Friday, the Wilderness Society called for the area “to remain closed to motorized use so its valuable natural, cultural and historic resources can be protected.”

This week, BLM officials notified Lyman that any illegal foray in the area would bring consequences such as citations and arrest. “I strongly urge you to cancel the proposed ride in the closed portion of the canyon,” Lance Porter, the agency’s local district manager in Moab, wrote in a hand-delivered letter. “BLM will seek all appropriate civil and criminal penalties against anyone who participates in the proposed ride.”

Lyman quickly responded with a letter saying that the ride was still on and that local resentment of federal officials here had not cooled: “I do not consider my protest, or the protest of those who choose to participate on May 10, to be in violation of the law.”

Many across the West are watching to see what happens in Recapture Canyon.

Earlier this week, two men wearing hooded sweatshirts brandished a handgun at a BLM worker driving an agency vehicle, holding up a sign that read, “You need to die.” BLM workers have since been advised to take precautions such as not wearing their uniforms, and the agency issued a statement saying threats against its employees “will not be tolerated.”

The protest comes just a month after Bundy successfully took on the BLM over his claims to graze hundreds of cattle on public land without paying fees. In that incident, the federal government backed down after raiding the rancher’s land — pushed back by the arrival of hundreds of so-called citizen soldiers, many armed with semiautomatic weapons.

Officials said the retreat came after they feared bloodshed.

Lyman’s protest was planned long before the Bundy incident, but now militia who rallied to help Bundy are expected to converge in this town of 3,500 residents settled a century ago by Mormon missionaries.

In recent days, many militia members have left camps near the Bundy ranch 80 miles north of Las Vegas to make the nearly 500-mile drive to Blanding.

“There aren’t as many men here as there were a few days ago,” Bundy’s wife, Carol, told The Times. “Many of them have gone up to Utah.’

Asked whether they would be armed, she said, “They’re militia! Of course they’re carrying their weapons.”

On Friday, Stephen Dean, a 46-year-old Salt Lake City artist and self-proclaimed militiaman, sat in his van at a park where a protest rally was scheduled for the evening. “I drove up from the Bundy ranch today to show my support for local people here for access to public lands,” he said, an American flag flying from his radio antenna.

He said he was a member of a Utah militia group known as the People’s United Mobile Armed Services. “Cliven told me there was another cause up here,” he said. “I’m from Utah, so this is important to me.”

On the militia group’s Facebook page, Dean posted a message that said, “This could be the next big story as the ATV loving locals team with Militia groups to recapture Recapture Canyon.”

He added: “The pro-ATV dude at the grocery store said ‘it could get ugly really fast.’” He closed the post with, “Arm yourselves!”

Later that night, he set up a microphone and tried to solicit funds from 75 people who had arrived to hear Lyman speak.

When Lyman arrived, he was perturbed that his rally had been commandeered by a militia he didn’t invite. “This is my crowd,” he told a reporter. “But I don’t just want to get up and push them out of the way.”

Later, he walked up to the microphone and asked Dean: “Who are you, anyway?”

He then told the crowd that he and other protesters planned to ride their ATVs onto federal land in the morning. “This isn’t political; this isn’t economic. This is just who we are,” he said to applause.

“If you make a rule that I have to lick your boots, I’m just not going to do that,” he added. “I’ve tried to work with these federal people and have spent a lot of time on my knees. But sometimes you just have to stand up for yourselves.”

Meanwhile, officials have urged calm.

“I hope we can continue to use civil dialogue in matter because nobody wants to see people get hurt,” Kathleen Clarke, who was a BLM director from 2001 to 2006, told The Times. “A big show of force and a showdown at the OK Corral is just not helpful. We don’t want that kind of standoff.”

She added: “it’s never a good thing when you have one group of armed Americans lined up against another.”

May 3, 2014

Rancher’s family takes grazing fight to sheriff

Ammon Bundy, son of rancher Cliven Bundy files a criminal complaint against the Bureau of Land Management at Metropolitan Police Department headquarters, Friday, May 2, 2014 in Las Vegas. Last month, federal agents launched a cattle roundup on the Bundy ranch after they refused a court order to remove their cattle from public land and pay a grazing fee. (AP Photo/Chris Carlson)

Ken Ritter
The Associated Press
Nevada Appeal


LAS VEGAS — Family members and other supporters took a Nevada rancher’s grazing rights fight against the U.S. government to the sheriff in Las Vegas on Friday, filing reports alleging crimes by federal agents against people protesting a roundup of cattle from public land.

Rancher Cliven Bundy wasn’t among those who filed handwritten complaints with the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department — the agency with jurisdiction over Bundy’s ranch in the Bunkerville area and much of Clark County.

Sheriff Douglas Gillespie said through a department spokesman that the complaints would be investigated and any appropriate criminal charges would be turned over to the Clark County district attorney.

In encampments around the Bundy ranch, self-described militia members from around the country continue to camp with handguns on their hips and heavier weaponry within reach in a show of support for Bundy.

But no weapons were seen Friday among those who responded to his call for supporters and witnesses of a tense April 12 standoff beneath an Interstate 15 overpass — and lesser confrontations in preceding days — to file complaints against U.S. Bureau of Land Management police.

Ammon Bundy of Phoenix headed a delegation of three Bundy sons, two sisters and perhaps 15 other supporters who filed reports accusing Bureau of Land Management agents of wielding high-powered weapons, using attack dogs and stun guns, closing public lands, blocking roads, harassing photographers and threatening people.

“We fervently hope and pray that these heavy-handed tactics will not be used on us or any other Americans ever again,” Ammon Bundy said as he read a three-page media statement at the door of police headquarters.

“Will our sheriff keep his oath this time and use his lawful forces to stop them?” Bundy asked. “Or will the people be left to their own protection?”

Ammon Bundy said Cliven Bundy didn’t join supporters Friday in Las Vegas because he previously filed a complaint asking Gillespie to investigate.

Gillespie didn’t immediately respond to questions about Ammon Bundy’s comments.

Bureau of Land Management officials have accused Cliven Bundy of failing to pay grazing fees for 20 years, racking up more than $1.1 million in fees and penalties, and failing to abide by court orders to remove his cattle from vast open range that is habitat for the endangered desert tortoise.

The agency responded to the filing of police reports with a wry statement.

“We welcome Mr. Bundy’s new interest in the American legal system,” spokesman Craig Leff wrote.

Openly carrying a pistol or rifle is legal in Nevada, and permit holders can carry concealed weapons.

Ammon Bundy credited armed guardians with coming to the aid of his family when the sheriff in Las Vegas would not. He also worried that armed federal agents who pulled out after the standoff nearly three weeks ago will return to Bunkerville.

“Will they come back with greater force and more cunning tactics than before?” he asked.

Hundreds of people and law enforcement officers were involved in the April 12 incident. Las Vegas police officers massed nearby but remained on the sidelines while department brass negotiated a truce between Cliven Bundy and the BLM.

Well-armed bureau police and a group of roundup contractors faced off against protesters backed by a picket line of militia members on the overpass displaying handguns, AR-15 and AK-47 and other military-style arms.

“It was the most frightening thing in my life, to have federal agents of my government pointing guns at me,” said John Lauricella, 44, a Las Vegas resident who backs Bundy and said he was in the potential crossfire.

“I was walking right in the front,” he said. “They said, ‘Keep walking and we’re going to shoot you.’”

Lauricella said he filed a police report Friday accusing federal agents of violating his civil rights.

In the end, the BLM released about 350 Bundy cattle that had been rounded up during the previous week then left the area near Mesquite, 80 miles northeast of Las Vegas.

“We believe that the BLM men who pointed guns at over 1,000 people ... committed a criminal act and that the Clark County sheriff’s office should be required to investigate,” Cliven Bundy and his wife, Carol, said in an overnight email asking supporters to file police reports.

Democratic U.S. Rep. Steven Horsford, who lives in Las Vegas and represents Bunkerville and Mesquite, has also called for federal authorities and Gillespie to investigate the gun-toting force that Horsford said was frightening for residents.

After the standoff, Senate Democratic Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada branded Bundy supporters who pointed weapons at federal agents “domestic terrorists.” Nevada Republican U.S. Senator Dean Heller called them patriots.

April 7, 2014

Glamis Dunes: Judge rejects lawsuit, opening new areas to off-roaders

Additional areas of the Imperial Sand Dunes Recreation Area, known as Glamis, will be opened to off-roaders this fall. (AP)

By Janet Zimmerman
Riverside Press-Enterprise


Ending a 14-year closure, about 40,000 acres of the popular Imperial Sand Dunes Recreation Area will be opened to off-road vehicles this fall after a federal court judge overruled environmentalists’ objections.

The land had been placed off limits to protect the Peirson’s milk vetch, a perennial herb listed as threatened under the federal Endangered Species Act.

The 250-square-mile recreation site in Imperial County is one of the most popular off-roading areas in Southern California, drawing an estimated 1.2 million visitors a year. It’s commonly known as Glamis for the small town there — the name popularized on T-shirts, decals and bumper stickers.

Off-road enthusiasts celebrated the decision by U.S. District Judge Susan Illston of the Northern District Court of California in San Francisco. Her ruling last week upholds a 2013 management plan adopted by the U.S. Bureau of Land Management that includes lifting most of the milk-vetch closure.

“It’s an excellent riding area,” said Jim Bramham, a board member of the American Sand Association, on Monday. “It’s been historically some of the best open dunes for people who like to do long, lineal rides and explore the desert.”

Bramham’s group was one of 10 that helped fight the lawsuit challenging the BLM’s plan. The American Sand Association’s website urges riders to stay out of closed areas until the BLM removes red off-limits stakes.

The largest area that will reopen is in the center of the dunes, with a small portion south of Interstate 8 and another in the northern section near Highway 78, Bramham said.

The dunes are the largest such formation in North America, covering almost 200,000 acres in southeast Imperial County, near the U.S.-Mexico border. The area also is known as the Algodones Dunes.

Officials with the Center for Biological Diversity, which filed the lawsuit, said they are considering whether to appeal the decision.

In her ruling, Illston found that the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service is overdue in issuing a recovery plan for the Peirson’s milk vetch, and ordered one done by 2019.

The court order maintains closure of 9,261 acres of critical habitat deemed necessary for plant’s survival, as well as 26,000 acres of the North Algodones Dunes Wilderness that is permanently closed to vehicles.

The remainder, more than 127,000 acres, will be open to sand rails, motorcycles, four-wheelers and other off-highway vehicles.

Ileene Anderson, a biologist with the Center for Biological Diversity, worries about enforcement of the closures.

“The critical habitat follows the geography of the dunes. It looks like a big comb. I don’t know how they’ll be able to enforce keeping trespassing from happening in these areas that look like fingers going out from the backbone of the comb,” she said.

Terry Weiner, conservation coordinator for the Desert Protective Council in San Diego, said she has seen evidence of traffic in a closure area she regularly visits off Interstate 8 near the Buttercup Campground.

“People weren’t respecting that closure. They were riding through there,” said Weiner, who noticed many of the red stakes buried in sand or ridden over when she was there last month.

“That is the only place that the Peirson’s milk vetch lives on the entire planet,” she said. “The seeds can stay alive in sand for up to 20 years, but that requires the sand not being constantly turned up by tires, which dries them out.”

The Bureau of Land Management will work with off-roading groups to educate the public and develop new maps and signs to direct riders away from closures.


Imperial Sand Dunes Recreation Area

Size: Almost 200,000 acres, the largest mass of sand dunes in North America. The dune system extends for more than 40 miles in a band averaging 5 miles wide.

Where: In the southeast corner of California, on the U.S.-Mexico border.

Origin: The dunes were formed by windblown sands of ancient Lake Cahuilla.

Flora, fauna: Include Peirson’s milk vetch, a perennial herb, and desert tortoise, both listed as threatened under the Endangered Species Act.

Cool fact: The dunes are popular with moviemakers, who first filmed there in 1913. The list of credits includes “Star Wars,” “Jarhead” and “Scorpion King.”

March 4, 2014

Off-roaders’ battle over Johnson Valley recreation area ends

The Johnson Valley Off-Highway Vehicle
Recreation Area hosts the famous
“King of the Hammers” Race. (SEMA)
Staff Report
Tire Business

TWENTYNINE PALMS, Calif. — After a six-year battle over the future of the Johnson Valley Off-Highway Vehicle (OHV) Recreation Area in the Southern California desert, the issue finally has been settled.

After a consistent grassroots effort by the Specialty Equipment Market Association (SEMA) and other partner organizations, a legislative solution was finally reached to create a dedicated OHV recreation area and provide land for military training exercises, as well.

As explained by SEMA’s Action Network (SAN), “The issue was simple—how to expand the adjoining Marine Corps Air Ground Combat Center at Twentynine Palms while preserving recreation access to 189,000 acres at Johnson Valley.

“The Marines needed the additional land to simulate brigade-level expeditionary force movements and the Johnson Valley topography seemed ideal for training purposes.”

SEMA said the debate “reached a crescendo in 2013,” and a decision required Congressional approval.

Under a provision included within the 2014 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) signed into law last December, 79,000 acres of Johnson Valley has been transferred to the Twentynine Palms military base. Simultaneously, the law created the “Johnson Valley Off-Highway Vehicle Recreation Area,” providing federal protection to over 96,000 acres established in 1980 for OHV recreation by the state of California.

It is the first time an OHV area has been provided national recognition, according to the SAN. Twice a year, 53,000 acres of the OHV area will be provided to the Marine Corps for 30 days of military training exercises, it explained, noting no dud-producing ordnance will be used at that time in order to assure safety and continued OHV access to the area.

“The SAN commends Rep. Paul Cook, R-Calif., for the instrumental role he has played in reaching a reasonable shared-use solution,” said SAN Director Colby Martin. “We joined with a number of other organizations representing the off-road community to support this provision that addresses the nation’s military training needs while providing access for responsible recreational activities.

“We consider this ground-breaking provision a positive result for both the OHV community and the United States Marine Corps.”

The recreation area will continue to be controlled by the U.S. Bureau of Land Management (BLM). SEMA said it contains a unique mix of open desert, dry lake beds and formidable rock-crawling formations that attracts four-wheeler enthusiasts from around the world.

The area hosts the famous “King of the Hammers” Race, which drew more than 50,000 people to the 2013 event. The BLM estimates that Johnson Valley generates more than $71 million annually for local economies—an amount that will continue to grow, SEMA said.

Rep. Paul Cook, in a statement, said “the agreement preserves California’s most important off-road recreation area for future generations.

“After years in which off-roaders have lived in fear of the closure of Johnson Valley, this permanently ends the threat of base expansion into off-road areas.”

Prior to being elected to Congress in 2012, he served a 26-year career in the Marine Corps before retiring as a colonel. SEMA said Rep. Cook has lived for years in the area that includes Johnson Valley and the Twentynine Palms base and represented those communities in the California state legislature before his election to Congress.

The SAN said it worked collaboratively with the Off-Road Business Association (ORBA); California Motorized Recreation Council (CMRC); Motorcycle Industry Council (MIC); and Americans for Responsible Recreational Access (ARRA).

CMRC includes ORBA; California Association of 4 Wheel Drive Clubs (Cal4Wheel); California Off-Road Vehicle Association (CORVA); American Motorcyclist Association National (AMA); AMA District 36; AMA District 37 Off-Road; San Diego Off-Road Coalition (SDORC); American Sand Association (ASA); and California-Nevada Snowmobile Association (CNSA).

November 14, 2013

Time to throw the Antiquities Act into the recycling bin of history

Grand Staircase Escalante National Monument, Utah
OPINION

By RON ARNOLD
The Examiner


Two words — national monument — conjure Images of the Lincoln Memorial or the Statue of Liberty, but probably not the Virgin Islands Coral Reef or the Alibates Flint Quarries near Amarillo, Texas.

Only one of those is not on the list of America’s 103 national monuments: the Lincoln Memorial, which was authorized by Congress in 1910.

Congress has rarely authorized a national monument, although it has the power to do so at any time. Overwhelmingly, a president of the United States has created our national monuments, and did it by merely writing and signing a proclamation – a form of executive order – empowered by the controversial and politicized Antiquities Act of 1906.

Originally spurred by looting of Southwest Indian ruins for artifacts - dubbed “antiquities” by anthropologists - in such places as Colorado's Mesa Verde, Congress empowered the president to protect by proclamation, "historic landmarks, historic and prehistoric structures, and other objects of historic or scientific interest," on federal lands, and to “reserve” (read “take”) private property for the purpose.

At the time, nobody worried about giving the president power like a Roman emperor, to swiftly proclaim protection for government property (and coveted private property) without waiting for an unconcerned Congress to act.

Today, a lot of Americans fear and loathe that power and that law, because it has become a political weapon to devastate the fossil-fuel industry.

As an example, President Clinton unilaterally proclaimed the 1.9 million-acre Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument in Utah, thereby depriving the energy-using public of an estimated 62 billion tons of clean-burning, low-sulfur coal, five billion barrels of oil, and four trillion cubic feet of natural gas.

Clinton's decree also wiped out dozens of tax-base school land tracts of the state of Utah.

Compounding the problem, four agencies manage 101 of the monuments: the National Park Service (79), the Bureau of Land Management (19), the U.S. Forest Service (7) and the Fish and Wildlife Service (7).

Some monuments are co-managed by two agencies, so overlap complicates dealing with them. Two other agencies co-manage one monument each.

The Antiquities Act is a poster child for mission creep, that contagious federal “we-want-more” disease. We have 22 national monuments associated with Native American sites, 28 with historic sites and 57 with nature sites.

Among these sites was added with a 2009 proclamation was the 9,500 square mile, 6.8-mile deep Marianas Trench Marine National Monument, protecting the deepest place in the world’s oceans, with regional headquarters in Hawaii and no tour buses to the trench. Go figure.

National monuments have a nasty habit of developing mission creep once established, especially against public access.

The motorized recreation community is particularly burned by the hikers-only purists who relentlessly push for controls, then road and trail closures, then selective bans, and finally lockouts.

I asked Duane Taylor, director of federal affairs with the Motorcycle Industry Council, about his organization’s experience.

He told me, “Unfortunately, motorized recreation is far too often shut out of national monument areas. The blanket designation of lands as a national monument, along with the almost-certain restrictions that come along with designation, could effectively mean that much of the total economic contribution of recreation to the area will be forfeited,” he said.

That became an issue in Congress this week with a “briefing on benefits of the Antiquities Act to local economies, communities, and national treasures.”

The briefing featured panelists from the Sierra Club, League of Conservation Voters, Pew Charitable Trusts, Wilderness Society, Outdoor Industry Association and others.

Panelists cited a study showing that outdoor recreation generated $646 billion in national sales and services in 2011 and supported 6.1 million jobs. I asked Taylor for his response.

“They’re telling only part of the story,” he said. “The same study shows that approximately $257 billion or nearly 40 percent of the total $646 billion in economic contribution comes from motorized recreation.”

The power of the Antiquities Act needs to be throttled. It’s not impossible. Congress has reduced presidential powers under the act twice, first in 1950, requiring congressional consent for any future proclamation or enlargement of national monuments in Wyoming; second, requiring congressional consent in Alaska for proclamations of greater than 5,000 acres.

We may hope that the third time is the charm.

RON ARNOLD, a Washington Examiner columnist, is executive vice president of the Center for the Defense of Free Enterprise.

November 2, 2013

H. R. 2467 – A Threat to America’s Economic and National Security

Copper has been mined at Morenci, Arizona for more than 100 years. Under provisions contained in H. R. 2467, mining operations would be required to cease operations and be reclaimed after 40 years, leaving much of the remaining mineral resource in ground.

by David F. Briggs
Tucson Citizen


The most recent attempt to reform the General Mining Act of 1872 was introduced in the U. S. House of Representatives on June 20, 2013.

This is the first in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Introduction

Once again, reform of the General Mining Act of 1872 has been brought to the forefront of public debate with the introduction of the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467) in the House of Representatives on June 20, 2013 by Congressmen Edward Markey, Rush Holt and Raúl Grijalva.

The primary goals of this mining reform legislation include:

1) increasing the taxpayers’ return on investment through the imposition of a 12.5 percent royalty on gross income derived from the production of locatable minerals from federal lands;

2) the establishment of an Abandoned Mine Lands Program, which will be funded through a $0.07/ton of material mined at all hard rock mines; and

3) the reduction of environmental impacts on public lands by the mining industry.

In attempting to accomplish these goals, this bill employs tactics that have proved unsuccessful in the past. The implementation of the first two goals will be accomplished through collection of royalties and fees from domestic hard rock mining operations. However, the methods that will be used to reduce the environmental impacts of mining on our public lands are considerably more complicated and problematic. Reduction of environmental impacts on public lands will be accomplished by:

1) reducing the total acreage of land available for mining activities through an unprecedented and reckless withdrawal of extensive tracts public lands from mineral entry without regard for their mineral potential;

2) placing unrealistic restrictions on how the mining industry is permitted to use the land;

3) imposing restrictive and unrealistic time limits on exploration and mining activities;

4) significantly increasing the costs and risks of exploring, developing and mining locatable minerals on public lands; and

5) requiring the mining industry to comply with a new set of environmental standards that are virtually impossible to meet.

Like many bills before Congress, the authors of this legislation were so focused on designing a bill that will meet their goals, they failed to fully consider the undesirable impacts that would result from the passage of such legislation. When combined with their ignorance of the science, engineering, technologies and business realities of the industry they are trying to regulate, this tunnel-vision makes the negative impacts resulting from the provisions contained within this legislative proposal especially severe.

Tens if not hundreds of thousands of jobs will be directly and indirectly impacted by provisions contained within this bill as our domestic mining industry pre-maturely shutters many of its existing operations and investments used to search for and develop new mines are spent elsewhere. These financial hardships will be especially severe in rural communities, where many mining operations are located. Considering the federal government’s poor track record in coping with the millions of jobs lost during the Great Recession of 2008, how will it deal with those unemployed as a result of this legislation? Furthermore, are the social costs that will accompany these job losses really warranted?

The United States is already very dependent on foreign sources for metals and minerals we require to supply our economic and national security needs. Pre-mature mine closures and disincentives to invest in future mining projects will only further weaken our ability to provide for these needs. In addition, many of the scientific and technological skills our nation requires to remain competitive on the world market and ensure our national security will be eroded as the mining industry relocates many its employment opportunities overseas. Is it really wise to enact legislation, which will only compound these problems?

Our dependence on the importation of foreign oil has been often cited as one of the primary reasons why American troops were sent to fight and die in Iraq on two different occasions since 1990. How will future shortages of minerals and metals critical to our economic and national security needs impact future foreign policy decisions? Will more Americans have to pay with their lives because our leaders have failed to learn the lessons of history?

The purpose of this paper is to closely examine the details of each of the individual provisions contained within H. R. 2467 and discuss the wide range of impacts they will have on the future of the domestic mining industry and our nation, if this legislation is ever enacted into law. Less restrictive alternatives, which can accomplish similar goals without compromising our economic or national security needs, will also be offered.

The second part in this series will discuss mineral development on public lands and how provisions of H. R. 2467 will be applied to pre-existing mining claims.

This is the second in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Mineral Development on Public Lands

Under U. S. law, public lands contain three distinct categories of minerals; locatable minerals, leasable minerals and salable minerals. The manner in which the natural resource sector acquires access and title to each is different.

Access and title to locatable minerals on public lands are acquired through the location of a mining claim at a site and making a valid mineral discovery. The list of locatable minerals is long and includes all metallic minerals (gold, silver, copper, lead, zinc, nickel, molybdenum, iron, manganese etc.), some non-metallic minerals (fluorspar, mica, chemical or metallurgical grade limestone, gypsum, barite, perlite etc.) and certain uncommon varieties of minerals. These are just some of the locatable minerals. A more complete list of locatable minerals is more difficult to prepare, because our laws have used economics, their intended use and/or uniqueness of characteristics to define them.

Leasable minerals were initially defined under provision of the Mineral Leasing Act of 1920 (30 U.S.C. ¶181). They include energy leasables (oil, gas, oil shale, coal and geothermal) and non-energy leasables (sodium, potassium, potash, trona, phosphate and sulphur). Furthermore, all locatable minerals situated on public lands purchased or received under the Acquired Lands Act of 1947 as well as those found on American Indian Reservations are only subject to lease (43 CFR Group 3500). Access to these minerals is acquired through the issuance of a lease, which has a specified term and requires the lessee to pay a rental fee and royalties on any minerals produced from the lease. Petroleum and natural gas leases are secured through a competitive bidding process, which requires an initial payment to the federal government in addition to the rental fees and royalties.

Saleable minerals include some of our most basic natural resources, such as sand, gravel, stone, pumice, pumicite, cinders and dirt. Commonly used in construction and many other every day uses, these materials are generally bulky and characterized by low unit prices. Their transportation costs are very high, making adequate local supplies of these resources critical to the economic viability of any community. While saleable minerals are generally sold under a contract to the public at a fair market price, they are given to local and state governments for use in public works projects.

H. R. 2467 specifically targets locatable minerals on public lands. However, if this bill is enacted into law, how long will take the federal government to find a way to apply its more onerous provisions dealing with land use and the environment to leasable and saleable minerals?

Application of H. R. 2467 to Pre-existing Mining Claims

All mining, mill site and tunnel sites claims located after the date of the enactment of H. R. 2467 will be subject to all of the provisions contained within this bill. Pre-existing mining claims for which a plan of operation has not been approved or a notice filed prior to the date of its enactment will also be subject to all of its requirements. However, if a plan of operation has been approved, but such operations have not commenced prior to the date of the enactment, these mining operations will have five years to bring its mining activities into compliance with all of the provisions contained within this bill.

Finally, H. R. 2467 is poorly drafted and contains sections that are referred to but absent from the text of this document. This appears to be the case for the application of its provisions to federal lands where existing mining operations are producing locatable minerals in commercial quantities prior to the date of its enactment. The manner in which this bill will deal with this issue is unclear. Attempts to clarify this and other points with the staff of the legislators, who introduced this bill, have been unanswered or met with evasive responses (Bragato, personal communication, 2013).

The third part in this series will discuss how provisions of H. R. 2467 will change the rules and regulations regarding unpatented mining claims.

This is the third in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Issues Involving Unpatented Mining Claims

U. S. law (30 USC ¶22) states: “Except as otherwise provided, all valuable mineral deposits in lands belonging to the United States, both surveyed and unsurveyed, shall be free and open to exploration and purchase, and the lands in which they are found to occupation and purchase, by citizens of the United States and those who have declared their intention to become such, under regulations prescribed by law, and according to the local customs or rules of miners in the several mining districts, so far as the same are applicable and not inconsistent with the laws of the United States.”

Under this provision, U. S. law guarantees the right to explore a property, develop its resources, produce those resources and reclaim the site without ever locating a single mining claim. However for practical proposes, most prudent persons locate mining claims at the site in order to protect their rights against rival claimants, protect their rights in the event the federal government withdraws the area from mineral entry at some future date and to acquire a perfected title to the minerals should a valid discovery be made (Skaer, 2007). However, the Code of Federal Regulations (36 CFR ¶228.4 or 43 CFR ¶3809.11a) require mining operators to obtain government approval of a proposed plan for mining operations before mining commences.

Provisions contained in H. R. 2467 would change the current U. S. law, requiring any mineral activities resulting in the disturbance of surface resources on federal lands to require a mining claim located under general mining laws and for said claim to be maintained in compliance with such laws.

U. S. law (30 USC ¶622a) states: “Any mining claim hereafter located under the mining laws of the United States shall not be used, prior to issuance of patent therefore, for any purposes other than prospecting, mining or processing operations and uses reasonably incident thereto.”

H. R. 2467 also attempts to modify both 30 USC ¶22 and 30 USC ¶622a, stating that neither lode or placer claims can be located for the purpose of securing Federal land for a waste rock facility, tailings impoundments or other purposes incident to processing locatable minerals extracted elsewhere. This provision demonstrates a profound ignorance for the realities the mining industry faces in doing its day to day business. If the mining industry is not permitted to obtain adequate physical access to the surface rights of a property to develop and efficiently mine a mineral discovery, any mineral rights it may have received in making a valid discovery are worthless.

When mining companies decide to evaluate an exploration target for its mineral potential, they acquire exclusive rights to an area that is sufficiently large enough to cover the entire target. At this stage, the specifics of what areas will be mined and what will be used to support the mine facilities are unknown. And these specifics will remain uncertain until the area is evaluated, an economic discovery has been made and a plan of operation has been submitted and approved by the appropriate governmental authorities.

This is illustrated by the following example. Discovered during the early 1960s, the Rosemont deposit in Pima County, Arizona has been evaluated over the last five decades. And even today, we still do not know what the final areal configuration of the mine site will be until the U. S. Forest Service releases its Final EIS and Record of Decision.

Under U. S. Code of Federal Regulations (43 CFR Ch 11 ¶3832.32) a mine operator can locate more than one five-acre mill site per mining claim, if each site is used for processing facilities, waste rock and tailings disposal sites, leach pads, water process and treatment plants, mine administrative or support facilities as well as other unspecified ancillary uses that may reasonably be needed to support its operation. The only limitations that are placed on the total acreage used for these activities is what is reasonably necessary for an efficient and reasonably compact mining operation.

However, under a provision contained in H. R. 2467, the current U. S. legal code will be modified, limiting the number of five-acre mill site claims permitted at a particular mining project to the number of valid mining claims located at the site. When combined with the provision that restricts ancillary facilities from being placed on mining claims, this will create impractical restrictions on how much land can be used for waste rock facilities, tailings impoundments, leach pads and other site facilities. Not only will it result in the premature curtailment of mining operations, it will also give the Bureau of Land Management and Forest Service considerably more discretionary authority to reject future mining projects, due to a company’s need to use public lands for support facilities. Finally, it ignores other less restrictive ways to reduce the areal footprint of future mining operations through the introduction of new technologies such as dry stack tailings impoundments and concurrent reclamation practices.

Under the terms of H. R. 2467, both placer and lode claims must contain locatable minerals, which the claim holder intends to extract. It also requires that validity of each of these mining claims must be supported by a discovery of a valuable mineral deposit within the meaning of the general mining laws. However, the General Mining Law of 1872 does not define the term “discovery”. For many years, both the Department of Interior and the courts have used the “prudent man” test to judge the validity of a mining claim. Under this method, a discovery had to be of sufficient size and quality that the reasonable probability of successfully developing a mine would be sufficient to encourage an individual of ordinary prudence to invest time and money in this endeavor. Since the early 1980s, both the Department of Interior and the courts have modified the method used to judge the validity of a mining claim with the addition of a “marketability” test. This validity test requires sufficient exploration and evaluation to have been performed on a claim to demonstrate that it could profitably mined under present conditions. This is the type of discovery, which is required for a mineral patent (Papke and Davis, 2002).

A discovery can be made before or after a mining claim has been located. In the early days, discoveries were generally made prior to the location of a mining claim. Today, most of the discoveries are made only after much exploration and analysis of the data, which can take many years and cost tens of millions of dollars. Accordingly, the courts have recognized that claim holders require time to make a valid discovery and have granted them possessory rights to their claims (Union Oil Co. of California vs. Smith, 249 US 537 [1919]). These rights remain in force so long as the claim holder maintains actual physical occupancy of each claim, excludes rival locators, pays an annual claim maintenance fee and continues a diligent effort to make a discovery (Cole vs. Ralph, 252 US 286, 294 [1920] and Geomet Exploration vs. Lucky Mc, AZ 601 P2d 1339 [1979]).

It should be noted that neither of the methods that have been historically used to determine the validity of a mining claim place any limits on the time it takes to prove validity. If a claim holder is unable to prove his claims are valid within the arbitrary ten-year term of the exploration permit required by this proposed legislation, will the federal government declare those claims invalid? If so, this would have a chilling impact on raising the investment capital required to explore and develop mineral deposits within the United States. Where are the minerals we will require in the future for our economic and national security needs going to come from if it is too risky to do so here, in the United States?

The fourth part in this series will discuss how provisions of H. R. 2467 will impact the mining industry’s access to mineral holdings.

This is the fourth in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467)

Secure Access to Mineral Holdings

The Multiple Land Use Doctrine as described in the Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976 ensures that our public lands and their various resource values will be utilized in the combination, which best meets the present and future needs of the American people. It also guarantees that our public lands will be made available for all uses, including a wide range of commercial activities as well as being preserved for its watershed, fish and wildlife, natural scenic, scientific and historical values (Anonymous, 2001).

Many provisions in H. R. 2467 will unnecessarily limit or deny the mining industry access to public lands. If this attempt to restrict Americans’ use of their public lands is successful, would other historic uses of federal lands such as ranching, harvesting timber or even recreational uses be similarly restricted in the future?

Recognizing that economic mineral deposits are rare occurrences located in certain restricted geologically favorable areas and are essential for our economic and national security, current law grants a claim holder pre-discovery rights to explore and develop favorable areas in accordance with a strict set of guidelines, which are designed to mitigate any environmental damage to the land.

Under H. R. 2467, mining becomes a discretionary use of our public lands, where the Secretaries of Interior and Agriculture are granted absolute, discretional authority to deny access of public lands during any stage of mining activity, which would otherwise comply with all environmental laws and regulations. In short, it makes what should be a scientific, technical and economic decision with regard to the use of public land, a political decision.

H. R. 2467 allows states, counties, communities and Indian tribes to petition for the withdrawal of public lands from mineral entry in order to protect specific values, such as value of a watershed to supply drinking water, wildlife habitat values, cultural or historic resources or value for scenic vistas important to the local economy or other such values. Indian tribes may also request withdrawals as a way to protect religious or cultural values that are important to the Indian tribe. Despite lacking any criteria on how to judge the merits of these petitions, this bill requires the Secretaries of Interior and Agriculture to grant such petitions unless it can be shown to be against the national interest. It essentially places mining at the bottom of list of all land use priorities.

These important decisions are not only being made without regard for an area’s mineral potential, but could effectively prevent any examination of an area from being made at all. This clause could be easily used target controversial projects, known to contain undeveloped mineral resources located within historical mining districts (i.e. Mt. Emmons, Rosemont and Hermosa), which have been evaluated by the mining industry over considerable periods of time and at great expense. While any individual occurrence may not be able to be shown to be in the national interest, the cumulative impact of granting all of these petitions on a case by case basis will certainly have a profound negative impact on our economic and national security, because it would jeopardize America’s ability to meet its current and future demands for natural resources. Furthermore, considering that substantial investment has already been made on many of these holdings in reliance of existing laws, it will almost certainly expose the federal government to substantial takings litigation.

This proposed piece of legislation will also withdraw enormous tracts of public domain from mineral development, including wilderness study areas, areas of critical environmental concern (ACEC), Wild and Scenic Rivers systems and roadless areas. Among the ill-defined criteria used to identify proposed withdrawals are “areas of critical environmental concern”, which could potentially construed to mean all public lands.

Furthermore, this legislation requires that no permits to conduct any mining activities will be authorized if it might impair the land or resources of a National Park or National Monument. For purposes of this provision the term impair includes any diminution of the affected land including wildlife, scenic assets, water resources, air quality and acoustic qualities or other unspecified changes that would lessen a citizen’s experience at one of these sites. Similar regulations apply to National Conservation System units, which in addition to National Parks and National Monuments also include: the National Wildlife Refuge System, National Wild and Scenic Rivers System, National Trails System, National Conservation Areas, National Recreational Areas and National Wilderness Preservation System.

These provisions would effectively terminate any claimant’s right to explore and develop pre-existing mining claims located within or adjacent to these sites prior to the enactment of this legislation. It will effectively create enormous mining-free buffer zones of several orders of magnitude greater than the “protected” sites they are designed to protect. All present and future mineral activity will be prohibited from these buffer zones. Furthermore, the areal extent and boundaries of these poorly defined, mining-free, buffer zones are left to the discretionary whims of the Secretary of Interior, which are solely based on political factors. It would simply make it too risky for the mining industry to invest its time and limited capital resources on any of these areas. Finally, these withdrawals are chosen without regard for the mineral potential of these lands or their importance to meeting our nation’s present or future economic or national security needs.

H. R. 2467′s arbitrary term of ten years for an exploration permit ignores the realities faced by today’s mining industry, when exploring and evaluating mineral properties. The geological settings of many deposits are quite complex and require considerable time and expense to adequately assess their economic potential. By its very nature, minerals exploration is a repetitious process in which exploration targets may be examined many times before an economic discovery is made. There are many documented cases where it has required more than fifty years of evaluation, accompanied by advances in technology before a known mineral occurrence could be shown to be economically feasible to mine. Furthermore, arbitrary limitations placed on exploration permits will discourage investing in exploration programs, which will ultimately result in a decline in mineral discoveries that will be required to meet our future demands for a wide variety of mineral products. Finally, an unrealistic and poorly defined definition of what does or does not constitute exploration under provisions of this bill has a potential to severely limit exploration activities conducted on public lands.

Similar arbitrary and unrealistic term limits for operations permits of twenty years with an uncertain possibility of a single, twenty year extension is also problematic, considering many existing mining operations have been in production for more than forty years. Advances in technology as well as variations in metals prices commonly allow mining operations to remain economical much longer than initially projected. Term limits create too much uncertainty to attract the huge amounts of investment capital required to find and develop new mining operations in the United States. Unwise arbitrary restrictions that limit a mining operation’s life to forty years will almost certainly result in premature closures, leaving economical reserves in the ground, where they will be of no benefit to anyone and potentially creating environmental exposure to mineralized material.

Current permitting procedures at our nation’s mines are adequately performed and administered by a number of local, state and federal agencies, who presently have the authority to resolve any issue that might arise. There is no need to add another layer of bureaucracy to an already cumbersome and time-consuming process.

Any true mining reform must recognize that minerals deposits are valuable, non-renewable resources, which must be developed and mined in the most efficient manner possible. Anything that interferes with this process, will ultimately result in much greater impact to the environment, because the demand for the products made from these minerals will push mining industry to develop other less developed properties both inside and outside of the United States to supply this demand. With regard to developing properties located in other countries, environmental damage will likely be greater due to less stringent laws and regulations.

Uncertainties created by H. R. 2467′s provisions involving access to public lands only increase the risks of doing business. Before making these substantial investments, mining companies must know that their rights to evaluate and occupy public lands are secure. Otherwise, the risks are simply too great to attract the investment capital required to find and develop the natural resources necessary to fulfill the needs of present and future generations of Americans. This legislation significantly reduces our ability to supply the minerals we require to ensure our security and to maintain and improve our infrastructure and standard of living. This will result in our increased dependence on foreign sources for raw materials, which will not only increase our nation’s already enormous trade deficits, but will also leave our national security needs vulnerable to decisions made by foreign governments (see Figure 1).

The fifth part in this series will discuss how provisions of H. R. 2467 will deal with the payment of royalties on minerals produced from public lands.

This is the fifth in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Equitable Alternatives to Gross Income Royalties

The domestic mining industry commonly pays royalties on production from its operations and would not oppose compensation being made to the federal government for locatable minerals mined from public lands as long as it can be done in a fair and equitable manner.

Under the provisions in H. R. 2467, a 12.5 percent royalty on gross income would be imposed on production of all locatable minerals from federal lands. It is unclear whether this royalty would be levied on production from public lands covered by a pre-existing operations permit, but it would apply to federal lands added through a modification to a pre-existing operations permit that is submitted after the date of enactment of this legislation.

The proposed 12.5 percent royalty on gross income significantly exceeds royalties that have been historically paid by the metals mining industry. Although similar gross income royalties are common for leasable minerals, such as oil, gas and coal, doing the same for locatable minerals, such as copper and gold, would significantly threaten the economic viability of many metals mining projects.

Initial and on-going capital expenditures of metals mining projects are considerably greater than those for other extractive industries. These costs alone can exceed $1 billion at a single mine site. Mining and reclamation costs are also greater than those for leasable minerals. Furthermore, every metals mining project typically requires is own infrastructure, which is specifically designed to treat the ores from that mine site. On- and off-site processing costs required to produce a marketable product from ores, containing a metal content of less than 1.0 percent, are considerably greater than treatment costs for leasable minerals, which only require limited amounts of processing before most of the mined material becomes a marketable product.

In summary, the value of marketable products is used as the basis to calculate gross income royalties. This method fails to accurately reflect the value of the raw minerals contained within the ores prior to treatment.

A more equitable approach to this issue would impose a net smelter return (NSR) royalty or net profits interest (NPI) royalty on locatable minerals produced from federal lands. In its simplest form, NSR royalties represent a small percentage of the proceeds received by a mine operator from the smelter or refinery. The costs of off-site services (transportation, smelting, refining and associated insurance) are deducted from the value of the metals contained within the concentrates and the proceeds “net” of these costs are returned to the mine operator. NSR royalties vary depending on the commodity, but generally average 2 to 3 percent of net smelter returns.

NPI royalties represent a percentage of an operation’s revenues, after deducting all on- and off-site mining and beneficiation costs, including depreciation, depletion and amortization. NPI royalties also vary depending on commodity, but generally range from 5 to 15 percent of net profits. At this point it should be noted that the difference in these royalty rates is due to the lower base value from which NPI royalties are determined, which permits the deduction of all on- and off-site costs. Both methods use the value of raw minerals contained within the ores before treatment as a basis to calculate royalties (Silver and Courtney, 2009).

This proposed legislation is based on the flawed assumption that it will maximize the taxpayer’s return on investment. In realty, this approach will actually produce less total revenues over the long-term for federal coffers than would be received had a royalty structure more in line with those historically used by the mining industry been chosen.

H. R. 2467 ignores the basic economic law of supply and demand, which determines the price of locatable minerals on the world market. Our domestic producers have no control over these commodity prices. The 12.5 percent gross income royalty will significantly impair the U. S. mining industry’s ability to remain competitive on the world market. Maximizing short-term gains with the higher gross income royalty significantly increases the probability a mining project will become unprofitable and makes it particularly vulnerable during periods of low commodities prices. If you remove the mining industry’s incentive to produce locatable minerals at our domestic mines, they will close these facilities. Closed mines or mines that are never developed will generate no revenues for local, state and federal governments. Other indirect economic impacts include the loss of income tax revenues and increased social costs that would result from a significant loss of jobs at shuttered mines as well as at many other companies, which provide goods and services for these mining operations.

If the federal government is truly interested in maximizing the taxpayers’ return on investment, it needs to find ways to encourage and promote the exploration and responsible development of our mineral resources. One way to accomplish this goal is the establishment of a royalty structure, which maximizes returns over the entire life of a mining project. This requires a lower rate, which will enable a mining operation to remain profitable during periods of low commodity prices. Both the NSR or NPI royalty structures optimize the use of our natural resources, allowing both business and government to maximize the benefits received from mining locatable minerals on our public lands.

Other Issues Involving Royalties

In imposing royalties on mining claims, the federal government needs to recognize obligations that have been made to underlying private royalty holders and the impacts this legislation may have on them. It should not negatively impact revenues derived from state mineral and severance taxes, which help compensate states for large tracts of federal lands within their borders that are not subject to taxation. Furthermore, total costs (including state and federal income taxes, sales taxes, other taxes and federal and private royalties) must not be so great as to make it impossible for a mine operator to recover its initial and sustaining capital expenditures as well as its up-front investments for exploration and project development.

Finally, this act requires that any royalties collected under provisions in H. R. 2467 will be deposited in the Treasury and used for federal budget deficit reduction or if there is no federal budget deficit, it will be used to reduce the federal debt (Figure 2). Considering the federal government’s propensity to spend more than it receives, this provision is self-serving and meaningless. For once, let’s be honest with the American people. If the federal government receives these funds, it will most certainly find a way to spend them.

The sixth part in this series will discuss needless regulations imposed by H. R. 2467 and how they will interfere with the mining industry’s ability to produce the minerals we use.

This is the sixth in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Needless Regulation, Bureaucratic Interference and Harassment

H. R. 2467 authorizes the Secretary of Interior and Secretary of Agriculture to establish a new duplicative set of standards and unnecessary public review processes, which are currently performed under the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) and by other existing federal, state and local laws and regulations. Current permitting procedures at our nation’s mines are adequately performed and administered by a number of local, state and federal agencies, who presently have the authority to resolve any issue that might arise.

With the permitting process currently averaging seven to ten years and costing tens of million dollars to complete, it has become much more difficult to attract the investment capital required to find and develop the natural resources necessary to fulfill the needs of present and future generations of Americans. We clearly do not need another time consuming and costly layer of bureaucratic red tape that would result in further delays in an already cumbersome permitting process. These delays have reduced our ability to supply the minerals we require to ensure our national security and to maintain and improve our infrastructure and standard of living. Today, less than half of the minerals used by the U. S. manufacturing sector are derived from domestic sources (Quinn, 2012). This dependence on foreign sources for raw materials has not only contributed to America’s large trade deficits, but has also left our national security needs vulnerable to decisions made by foreign governments (Figure 1).

This legislation goes into minute detail on the how the royalties from the mining industry will be collected, safeguards to ensure what is owed to the federal government is paid to the federal government and even the liability of mine operators, who are found to have lost or wasted mineral products derived from a mining claim. This last point on waste is particularly relevant, considering many of the provisions contained within this act will result in the same thing the federal government is attempting to avoid.

This bill will significantly raise the costs of doing business at most mining operations, which will result in them raising the cut-off grades of the ores being mined. By forcing the mining operations to selectively mine the higher grade portions of an ore body than would have been mined otherwise, it will result in this low grade material’s mineral content being left unmined or disposed of in waste rock dumps, where it is of no value to anyone. Furthermore, the low grade of this remaining material will make the economic recovery of its metal content at some future date much more unlikely, especially when you consider this bill’s reclamation requirements, which will effectively sterilize the site for future production.

H. R. 2467 attempts to micro-manage every single aspect of mining activity, ranging from exploration through development, production and reclamation to the extent that every decision made during the course of doing business must be approved by the Department of Interior or Department of Agriculture. Not only do these agencies lack the resources to perform this function, they also do not have the experience or expertise to make such decisions. The intent of this proposed legislation is to impair and harass an industry, which has worked very hard to comply with local, state and federal laws.

In this regard, our leaders are making the same types of mistakes that culminated in the natural gas crisis of the mid-1970s, when the federal government’s attempts to resolve one problem resulted in a much worse problem, namely the widespread natural gas shortages in the mid-west and northeast. With the gradual lifting of these regulations over the next two decades and the eventual complete deregulation of the production, transportation and sale of natural gas in 1992, natural gas shortages have become a thing of the past (Anonymous, 2013b). “Those who fail to learn the lessons of history are doomed to repeat it.” Does our nation have to suffer again because our elected representatives in Washington have not learned from the mistakes of the past?

Under a provision in H. R. 2467, any person who has reason to believe they are or may be adversely affected by mineral activities due to any violation of the requirements of a permit approved under this law may request an inspection. The federal government has ten working days from the receipt of the request to determine whether a violation exists. If it involves an imminent threat to the environment or danger to health or safety of the public, the ten day period shall be waived and the inspection shall be conducted immediately.

It’s important to note that state and federal regulatory agencies already have the authority to conduct unannounced site visits to review any environmental or mine safety aspects of an operation they choose to inspect. However, this and other provisions contained in H. R. 2467 significantly expand these powers, essentially granting the Secretary of Interior and Secretary of Agriculture the authority to inspect all mineral activities to ensure compliance with all provisions contained in this legislation.

One of the particularly troubling aspects is how this provision could be used to deal with issues related to locatable minerals and the validity of mining claims. While current mining law (30 USC ¶¶22 et seq.) does not require validity examinations before allowing exploration or mineral development, provisions contained in H. R. 2467 could be conceivably used to require such determinations (Wooldridge, 2005b).

Furthermore, provisions of this type have been repeatedly used against the mining industry by its critics, whose sole intent is to harass and impede legal activities conducted during all phases of mining activity, including exploration, development, production and reclamation. In order to discourage this type of behavior, proposed legislation should also contain a provision making those who can be shown to have abused this privilege responsible for all damages, including legal fees, that may result from such fraudulent claims.

Finally, the language in H. R. 2467 fails to show proper respect for Americans, who work for the mining industry, unfairly treating them as second class citizens, who cannot be trusted to comply with U. S. laws and regulations. This approach only alienates good, hard-working citizens, who also have an important role to play in any true reform of federal mining laws.

The seventh part in this series will discuss how H. R. 2467 deals with environmental and reclamation issues.

This is the seventh in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Environment and Reclamation Issues

The Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976 contains the clause; “unnecessary or undue degradation of lands,” which among other things sets the minimum environmental standards that must be met during the planning, development and operation of all mining projects on federal lands (Anonymous, 2001). In legal terms, this clause recognizes the fact that some environmental damage will always occur during the course of man’s activities. However, H. R. 2467 unfairly singles out the hard rock mining industry compared to all other forms of industrial activity by imposing the higher, unrealistic standard of “undue degradation”, which precludes unavoidable degradation that may result from mining activities. This change is not needed because case histories do not identify any instances where the “unnecessary or undue degradation” standard has caused any problems (Struhsacker and Todd, 2008). An additional layer of competing and incompatible environmental standards will only cause confusion for the mining industry and the regulatory agencies, who implement and enforce these regulations. These extreme measures will likely result in the premature closure of many existing mining operations and will make it virtually impossible to successfully permit the future mining projects, which will be required to meet our present and future demands for locatable minerals.

Among the potential impacts to which the “undue degradation” standard would apply, include but are not limited to, are surface and groundwater withdrawals, surface and groundwater quality, visual impacts and preservation of paleontological and cave resources.

H. R. 2467 requires that surface and groundwater withdrawals made as a result of mining activity cause no undue degradation or material alteration/damage to the hydrologic balance. This provision is unrealistic and would almost certainly negatively impact both existing and future underground and open pit mining projects, as all would require significant dewatering to conduct profitable operations. Mining, by its very nature, occurs within the aquifers and, therefore, cannot avoid material alteration of the hydrologic balance.

As a condition of compliance, an operations permit issued under the provisions set forth in H. R. 2467 requires a mining project’s reclamation plan to demonstrate that ten years following mine closure, no treatment of surface or ground water will be required to meet water quality standards at the point of discharge. This provision employs an arbitrary and unrealistic, one solution fits all approach to resolve a very complex issue, which really requires more flexible site specific solutions to effectively deal with water quality issues that may arise at existing and future mining projects. It would be virtually impossible for every existing mine or any new mining project to meet the standards set forth in this provision and it may be incompatible with existing environmental regulatory standards.

Another provision of this proposed legislation includes the reduction of the visual impact of mineral activities to the surrounding topography, including as necessary the backfilling of open pits. While some mining operations that have several small open pits can be mined in such a way as to use the mined out pits as sites for waste rock storage from other areas on the site, large open pit mining operations seldom have this option. It will also take decades to achieve at large open pits, thereby extending negative impacts related to dust, traffic, noise, and fuel consumption by large earth-moving and haulage equipment as well as significantly extending the time required to reclaim the areas from which this material had been moved. Depending on mineralogy of the rocks at the site, backfilling of open pits may result in greater damage to the water quality than no backfilling at all. Negative impacts on water quality resulting from partial backfilling are particularly severe. The requirement to backfill open pits at most sites will almost certainly make extraction of any low grade resources that may remain in the pit uneconomic at some future date. Finally, this provision ignores the benefits of innovative reclamation practices, which allow a mine site to be reclaimed over the productive life of a mining operation.

This bill refers to “preservation of paleontological and cave resources,” but fails to define this phrase. Sedimentary strata contain billions if not trillions of fossils. Are activities at a mine site to be halted every time someone finds a single fossil? There are several types of mineral occurrences that actually form in natural caverns. Will future production of these mineral resources be banned as a result of this legislation? Similarly, if exploration activities at particular project fail to locate a cave prior to the commencement of mining, will this bill halt a billion dollar project to preserve a single cave, which is found after the commencement of mining operations? And how does one evaluate such a discovery? Physical inspection of any caverns encountered in the high wall of an open pit would never be permitted under Mining Safety and Health Administration (MSHA) safety regulations. Research or tourist activities related to the potential discovery of natural cave would likely not be possible during operations or following mine closure.

H. R. 2467 also requires that complete reclamation of a mining operation must commence after a project has been temporarily suspended for a period of more than five years. Reclamation plans and demonstration of financial assurance to cover reclamation costs are required components of all modern mine operation plans and permits. The requirement to conduct reclamation within five years will severely restrict an operation’s ability to wisely and efficiently mine a rare non-renewable resource. Arbitrary limitations like this fail to recognize the existence of global commodity price cycles that are driven by factors outside of a mining company’s control or advances in technology that may permit the resumption of operations at some future date. Premature reclamation of a site could actually make resumption of mining operations uneconomical under any circumstances. Even if an operation resumed production after premature reclamation, resources required to reclaim the site would be wasted because it would have to be reclaimed for a second time once production of the remaining resources had been completed.

Although copper operations at Ajo, Arizona ceased production in August 1984, a mineral resource of more than one billion tons, averaging 0.32% copper still remains in this open pit. How would provisions in H. R. 2467 impact efforts to resume production at this and other former mine sites?

The bill also requires information on the location and nature of mineral activities located on adjacent non-federal lands, resulting in the application of the undue degradation standard to private properties and state lands. Under current law, the federal government has no jurisdiction over private or state lands, unless they require a federal permit. Significantly, expanding its authority over adjacent lands, is this provision the loop hole the federal government intends to exploit in its effort to acquire jurisdiction over all state and private lands?

The eighth part in this series will discuss the advantages of patenting mining and how it could help rural mining communities avoid the pitfalls of boom and bust economies. It also discusses reclamation of abandoned mine lands.

This is the eighth in a series of nine articles, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Patenting and Sustainable Development

Under the General Mining Law of 1872, the claim holders have a right to acquire the title to any unpatented mining claim they may hold, so long as they can demonstrate those claims contain a valid mineral discovery. Since October 1, 1994, however, there has been a moratorium on the issuance of patents on unpatented mining and mill site claims. To date, this moratorium has been temporary, being annually renewed through various Department of Interior appropriations bills.

If enacted H. R. 2467 would make this moratorium permanent, leaving land exchanges as the only method a mining company can use to patent a mining claim. However, successful land exchanges can be very long and politically arduous processes, which commonly leaves mining companies with extremely limited or non-existent opportunities to acquire title to the land they require for efficient production of their ores (Struhsacker, 2002). Examples include ASARCO’s unsuccessful attempt to complete a land exchange at Rosemont southeast of Tucson, Arizona during the late 1990s and Resolution Copper’s on-going, eight-year attempt to acquire title to its new discovery near Superior, Arizona.

At the present time, U. S. law allows a claimant of unpatented mining claims certain rights to occupy the land during the course of exploring, developing and mining a valid mineral discovery. Once mining activities have been completed, the site must be reclaimed in accordance with federal land use objectives, which require it to be returned to as many pre-mining uses as possible or other beneficial uses that conform to applicable land use plans developed by the Department of Interior or Department of Agriculture. In most cases, approved uses are limited to open space, wildlife habitat, recreation and in some instances ranching and the harvesting of timber. During this process, all mine site infrastructure, including roads, utilities, buildings and all other facilities must be removed and the land returned to its natural state.

Although reclamation provisions contained within H. R. 2467 generally conform with current requirements under U. S. law, this approach is short-sighted and overlooks significant advantages that patenting would provide in achieving many of the stated goals set forth in this legislation. Current land management policies create numerous legal and regulatory barriers that thwart a wide variety of productive uses of mined lands following the completion of mining activities, which would actually promote sustainable development. The impacts of these policies are particularly severe in rural mining communities, where they perpetuate “boom and bust” cycles of their local economies.

One solution to these problems would be to replace the current process of patenting mining claims with one that includes an option to purchase the surface rights to land for its fair-market value. Compensation for the mineral rights can be accomplished through a royalty agreement as was discussed earlier. Privatization of mining claims would allow existing mine infrastructure to remain in place, providing additional incentives for property owners to invest in a wide range of post-mining activities, which could promote sustainable development through the creation of long-term employment opportunities and the generation of revenues for federal, state and local governments. It is a win-win for all parties involved, the land owner, the government and all Americans. Examples of such projects include conventional and/or renewable energy power generating plants, industrial parks or landfills. Secondly, it promotes the conservation of natural resources by encouraging the mining industry to plan its projects and manage their land holdings in a manner that would facilitate future commercial activities at the site. Finally, it would also minimize the taxpayer’s liability by making the private land owners solely responsible for maintaining the land in compliance with all local, state and federal environmental regulations (Struhsacker, 2002).

In summary, two of the principal complaints made by critics of mining are its transient nature and its permanent alteration of a pristine landscape. Hard rock mining is unique in that the beneficial minerals of value only constitute a minor or trace component of the rock materials mined and that large volumes of rock are typically excavated to extract the desired contained metals, thereby creating substantial surface impacts. These surface and subsurface impacts cannot be completely eliminated, but can be mitigated to the best extent possible based on sound engineering, environmental and reclamation practices and an understanding of the entire mining life cycle. As long as modern society remains dependent on the products derived from mining, we have an obligation encourage the long-term productive use of the land once mining has been completed. Utilization of already disturbed sites for other productive uses promotes resource conservation, ultimately minimizing environmental damage, elsewhere (Skaer, 2002). Lifting the moratorium on patenting of mining claims is just one option that real mining reform could employ to accomplish this goal.

Reclamation of Abandoned Mine Lands

Under provisions in H. R. 2467, the Secretary of Interior is authorized to collect a displaced material reclamation fee of $0.07/ton of displaced material from all hard rock mining operations located on federal, state, Indian and private lands. These fees will be deposited in a separate account on the books of the Treasury of the United States, where it will be reserved for the reclamation and restoration of land and water resources that have been adversely impacted by historical production of hard rock minerals, mining and related activities.

There is no need for a separate displaced material reclamation fee. All of the royalties collected from hard rock mining operations should be used to reclaim historic abandoned mine lands. Furthermore, placement of these funds in Treasury accounts, where they can be “invested” in public debt securities is unacceptable. That is how the Social Security Trust Fund became insolvent with its funds originally intended to be used to provide for the needs of every American after retirement being diverted to pay for programs unrelated to its original intent.

It is important that these funds only be distributed to Bureau of Land Management, U. S. Forest Service, Army Corps of Engineers and state governmental agencies, who have a proven track record of successfully reclaiming historic abandoned mine sites (Skaer, 2009c). Under no circumstances should these funds be distributed to non-governmental organizations (NGOs), like the Center for Biological Diversity. They neither have the technical or scientific expertise nor a proven track record in accomplishing these tasks.

The final part in this series will summarize conclusions put forth in this series of articles on H. R. 2467 and offer suggestions for a more balanced and equitable approach for mining reform.

This is the final article in a series of nine editorials, which examine the complex issues raised by the Abandoned Mine Lands Cleanup and Taxpayer Fairness Act (H. R. 2467).

Conclusions

Mining reform is a very complex issue involving our economy, national security, royalties, the use of our public lands and the environment. Like previous attempts to reform U. S. mining laws, priorities set forth in H. R. 2467 are so focused on dealing with environmental and social issues related to mining locatable minerals on public lands, it fails to respond to any of the significant and widespread negative impacts that would result from regressive provisions contained in this legislation should it be enacted into law.

The possibility of this legislation accomplishing its stated goals is nil, because the proposed gross income royalty of 12.5 percent and other provisions contained within this bill will make it too costly for domestic mining operations to remain competitive on the world market. With reduced domestic exploration efforts and fewer operating mines, the total revenues remitted to local, state and federal governments from these sources will be only a fraction of what they are now. Its heavy-handed approach attempts to address potential environmental problems at future mines by creating conditions that will effectively eliminate the development of new mining projects in this nation. It will not resolve the environmental issues at existing or former operations, because without a healthy domestic mining industry there will be no funds to pay for this reclamation. If enacted, H. R. 2467 will likely end up costing taxpayers billions in lost tax revenues and associated social costs resulting from the loss of jobs in the mining industry and other businesses that provide goods and services to our nation’s mines. The costs resulting from a weakened national security are incalculable.

Throughout history, our nation has greatly benefited from our vast mineral wealth, which has made America great. In successfully dealing with these complex issues, any mining reform legislation must use a more balanced and equitable approach. The mining industry fully supports this concept. Recognizing that economic mineral deposits are rare, and only occur at sites where favorable geological factors are present, any successful mining reform legislation must include:

1) provisions that are designed to reduce our nation’s dependence on foreign imports and strengthen our national security.

2) provisions that provide the mining industry secure access to the land and minerals throughout all phases of mining activity.

3) provisions that require any consideration to withdraw public lands from mineral entry to be accompanied by a detailed study on the positive and negative impacts such an action would have on local communities, the state and the nation. One of component of this study would be an assessment of the area’s present and future mineral potential and how such a withdrawal of could impact our economic and national security needs for these minerals.

4) provisions that preserve the Multiple Land Use Doctrine. All future withdrawals of public lands from mineral entry must be accomplished through the passage of legislation by both Houses of Congress and signed by the President. Use of the Antiquities Act to deny mineral entry should be expressly prohibited by any future mining reform legislation.

5) provisions that encourage the private sector to find innovative solutions, which will help local, state and federal governments to meet other unrelated challenges. This includes practices that promote sustainable development, which allows mined lands to be returned to a wide variety of productive uses once mining activities are completed.

6) provisions that encourage the conservation and efficient extraction of our natural resources. This includes development and use of new technology and modern mining, environmental, engineering and mine safety practices, which will minimize a mining operation’s impact on the surrounding environment.

7) provisions that recognize our existing federal, state and local environmental laws are capable of dealing with any issue that might arise during the course of conducting mining activities. Any new environmental standards that may be required must be realistic, attainable and compatible with existing laws.

8) provisions that will enable the time required to permit a mining project to be shortened so long as protections provided under the National Environmental Protection Act of 1969 (NEPA) are not compromised.

9) provisions that provide for a royalty to be collected from the production of locatable minerals on public lands, which is based on historical royalties that have been paid by the hard rock mining industry.

10) provisions that continue to support existing federal and state abandoned mine lands reclamation programs and fund these programs with revenues collected by the federal royalties on production of locatable minerals and donations by persons, corporations, associations and foundations.

11) provisions that recognize mining operations can have many lives as a result of changes in commodity prices, the costs of extracting and processing the ores and advances in technology.

12) provisions that recognize the modern day realities of the challenges, risks, costs, and timelines in exploring for, developing, mining and processing locatable minerals on public lands as well as reclaiming the mine sites once mining has been completed.

While these suggestions are representative of the mining industry’s position on this subject, any successful resolution of the complex issues raised by mining reform is going to require an out of the box approach. Its success will require the full participation of all parties involved; business, environmental community, government and the public. If we can find ways to work together to constructively resolve our differences, I am confident we can find practical solutions for these difficult and challenging issues.


References Cited

Anonymous, 2001, The Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976 As Amended: Compiled by the U. S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management and Office of the Solicitor, Washington, D.C., October 2001, 69 p.

Anonymous, 2013b, The History of Regulation: Natural Gas.org, World Wide Web, http://www.naturalgas.org/regulation/history.asp, Date Accessed, July 9, 2013.

Papke, K. G. and Davis D. A., 2002, Nevada Claim Procedures for Nevada Prospectors and Miners, Nevada Bureau of Mines and Geology, 5th Edition, Special Publication, n. 6, 57 p.

Quinn, Hal, 2012, H. R. 4402 Strategic and Critical Minerals Production Act of 2012: Testimony of Hal Quinn, President and CEO National Mining Association before the United States House of Representatives Committee on Natural Resources Subcommittee on Energy and Minerals Resources, April 26, 2012, 7 p.

Silver, Douglas B. and Courtney, Arthur, 2009, When Ignorance Meets Greed: Welcome to the New Mining Law: Mining Engineering, v. 61, n. 2, p. 8-9.

Skaer, Laura, 2002, Mining and Sustainable Development: Presentation to California Mining Association, Northwest Mining Association, May 24, 2002, 23 p.

Skaer, Laura, 2007, Bureau of Land Management Advance Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, 43 CFR Part 3800, 72 Fed. Reg. 8139, Surface Management Regulations for Locatable Mineral Operations: Northwest Mining Association, Letter to Director of Bureau of Land Management, April 23, 2007, 11 p.

Skaer, Laura, 2009c, Legislative Hearing on H. R. 699 – Hard Rock Mining and Reclamation Act: Northwest Mining Association, Letter to Congressmen Jim Costa and Doug Lamborn, March 11, 2009, 9 p.

Struhsacker, Debra, W., 2002, A Concept Paper Describing Why Mineral Patents are Necessary to Achieve Sustainable Development and Limit Public Liability Following Mining on Federal Land: Northwest Mining Association, Concept Paper, October 2002, 3 p.

Struhsacker, Debra W. and Todd, Jeffrey W., 2008, The Environmental Provisions in the House Mining Law Bill (H. R. 2262) are Solutions in Search of a Problem: Northwest Mining Association, January 2008, 28 p.

Wooldridge, Sue E., 2005b, Legal Requirements for Determining Mining Claim Validity Before Approving a Mining Plan of Operations: United States Department of Interior, Memorandum to Gale Norton, Secretary of Interior from Sue E. Wooldridge, Solicitor, M-37012, November 17, 2005, 5 p.